This cannot be stated with certainty at this stage, according to Armel Niyongere, a Burundian lawyer and human rights defender, outlining the racist nature of Burundi’s current regime and its implications. He warns of worrying signs in the country.
Episode 3/4
While the domestic situation in Burundi is causing growing concern due to an unprecedented crackdown on civic space, unlimited repression, and a considerable deterioration in economic conditions, Burundian voices are struggling to be heard. Against a backdrop of security tensions and armed conflict in the Great Lakes region, there is a high risk that the narrative on Burundi will be shaped by others.
As president of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture in Burundi (ACAT-Burundi) and secretary-general of SOS Torture Burundi, Armel Niyongere has been working tirelessly, rigorously, and with commitment for decades to defend the fundamental rights of Burundians and ensure that victims have access to justice. In our first interview, he spoke about the 2015 political crisis and the subsequent repression that has fallen upon the country. He then spoke about the issue of refugees and the current political situation. In this third part, he discusses the racist nature of the current regime.
African Facts: In the first part of our interview, you mentioned the Hutu and Tutsi several times. From what you said, we gathered that the repressive actions of the Burundian authorities and their auxiliaries since 2015 have a racist dimension…
Armel Niyongere: Yes, of course. They used this racist ideology that promotes the Hutu community as the majority in Burundi. They wanted to show this community that they would never again be threatened and that matters were now in their own hands. This explains why they sang songs in public encouraging the sexual assault of Tutsi women, why they carried weapons, and why they arrested all the Tutsi soldiers. They wanted to show that they were now in control of the situation. They wanted to send this message: “Follow us. We have taken control, and we have driven out all the Tutsis who were once considered powerful. Now it’s our turn”.
The authorities wanted to make the debate about ethnicity by claiming that it was the Tutsi who participated in the 2015 demonstrations [against President Nkurunziza’s illegal bid for a third term, Ed.]. However, this was neither officially proclaimed nor uniformly expressed. It was mainly implicit. There was no official racist ideology, but rather an ethnicisation of discourse. This was particularly true among the Imbonerakure [“those who see far” in Kirundi, the youth movement of the presidential party that became a paramilitary organisation, Ed.]. They did not formally adopt a written racist doctrine. However, political discourse was regularly ethnicised by reactivating historical fears and stereotypes through coded language, such as “enemies within”, “traitors”, “nostalgic for the old order”…
— Yet the 2015 social movement was not specifically Tutsi; rather, it transcended these divisions to the extent of including members of the presidential party…
— The 2015 movement had no ethnic dimension; it was truly national. Some members of the CNDD-FDD [Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie — Forces de défense de la démocratie, a reactionary and racist party in power in Burundi since 2005, Ed.] did indeed participate in the demonstrations. So did those from the CNL [Congrès National pour la Libération, the main opposition party, led by Agathon Rwasa, which nevertheless shares the same ideological roots as the ruling party, Ed.]. And beyond that, many Hutus participated in these demonstrations. Really many. Everyone came together at these demonstrations.
— Ten years after the events of 2015, is the racist ideology spread by the CNDD-FDD and the Imbonerakure now shared by the population?
— With time, I don’t think this strategy has gained much support among the population.
— You mean these ideas aren’t catching on?
— Yes. It’s not working.
— However, some people claim that there is currently a risk of genocide in Burundi. What is your assessment?
— Well, genocide is a very serious topic. In order to do so, we would need to observe all the warning signs. Furthermore, the term “genocide” has a very specific legal meaning, implying an intention to destroy a national, ethnic or racial group. So we have to be careful about what we say.
Admittedly, the CNDD-FDD could kill now. At this stage, they have failed in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where they engaged in a conflict [against the Congolese M23 rebellion, which is supported by Rwanda, Ed.] alongside Rwandan génocidaires in exile with whom they share ideas. This is why some say there is a risk of genocide in Burundi.
Today, in 2026, we can therefore talk about the risk of persecution, atrocities and even massacres or crimes against humanity. However, public information does not allow us to conclude that there is a risk of genocide. They do indicate worrying warning signs in a context of political repression and violence within a closed civic space, which could be exacerbated by regional tensions. Crimes are likely to be committed in Burundi because crimes have been committed there since 2015.
— What are these worrying signs you mention?
— Firstly, Burundi is harbouring members of the FDLR [the Forces démocratiques de liberation du Rwanda, an armed Rwandan group in exile that has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Congo, Ed.]. Members of this movement were directly involved in the 1994 Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi. Burundi is also openly collaborating with the Congolese army, whose spokesperson recently made hostile and stigmatising comments about the Congolese Tutsi community in the media. Taken together, these elements demonstrate tolerance towards a violent ideology circulating in the region. This situation deserves very close monitoring.
Furthermore, following the 2015 crisis, there has been a resurgence of Tutsi stigmatisation in Burundi, particularly through songs and speeches by the Imbonerakure, as I mentioned earlier. Repression has since targeted all forms of protest. However, given this rhetoric and the country’s history, the Tutsi are particularly vulnerable.
— What nuances do you think should be added to this alarming statement?
— It is important to recall and emphasise that many Hutu who do not share the ideology of those in power have also been, and continue to be, directly affected by repression, including arbitrary arrests, disappearances, forced exile, economic marginalisation, and constant threats. Political violence in Burundi thus affects anyone perceived as a dissident, regardless of their ethnicity.
