Armel Niyongere, Burundian lawyer and human rights defender, discusses the current situation in Burundi.
Episode 2/4
While the domestic situation in Burundi is causing growing concern due to an unprecedented crackdown on civic space, unlimited repression, and a considerable deterioration in economic conditions, Burundian voices are struggling to be heard. Against a backdrop of security tensions and armed conflict in the Great Lakes region, there is a high risk that the narrative on Burundi will be shaped by others.
As president of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture in Burundi (ACAT-Burundi) and secretary-general of SOS Torture Burundi, Armel Niyongere has been working tirelessly, rigorously, and with commitment for decades to defend the fundamental rights of Burundians and ensure that victims have access to justice. In our first interview, he spoke about the 2015 political crisis and the subsequent repression that has fallen upon the country. In this second episode, he discusses the issue of refugees and the current political situation in Burundi.
African Facts: After the 2015 political crisis, which we discussed in the first part of our interview, there was a massive exodus of Burundians. More than 400,000 people left the country. Was it the repression that drove them to leave?
Armel Niyongere: Yes. In Burundi, victims had no protection, there was no possibility of effective remedy, the judiciary was not independent, and the state was unable to prevent or punish violations committed by its officials. When someone was arrested and killed, the victim’s family would rather flee than file a complaint. There were no longer any lawyers or organisations able to help them take legal action against the alleged perpetrators of violations who were part of the state apparatus or the Imbonerakure [“those who see far” in Kirundi; the youth movement of the presidential party that became a paramilitary organisation, Ed. ]. People preferred to flee out of fear of reprisals. The majority of those who lost their husbands or whose wives were raped left.
And there are all those who saw neighbours being abducted and never returning, or neighbours being killed in broad daylight. They closed the doors of their homes and left because they saw that there was no protection. If the police, the justice system and the administration cannot protect you, you cannot stay. You have to leave before you become a victim yourself. It was every man for himself.
— Has anything changed in Burundi since that period, or has everything remained structurally the same?
— It’s the same. When Ndayishimiye [Évariste, President of Burundi since 2020, Ed.] came to power, we had hope. Although he was close to the system — he had been Minister of the Interior — he was not known for committing major human rights violations, nor was he mentioned in many reports. We thought this might represent a positive change. His speeches signaling political opening also raised hopes within the international community.
However, subsequent events showed that this was a change within continuity, despite a few positive gestures such as the release of a handful of human rights defenders and the reopening of certain media outlets, including Radio Bonesha. The country remains under lockdown and the economic crisis is worsening. They promised to prosecute those responsible for violations and corruption, but have taken no concrete action. Unfortunately, it was all talk and no action. It was an illusion. Arbitrary arrests, torture and killings continued. The crackdown on members of the CNL [Congrès National pour la Libération, the main opposition party, led by Agathon Rwasa, which nevertheless shares the same ideological roots as the ruling party, Ed.] continued. Restrictions on freedom of expression and association persisted. Organisations that had the courage to remain in the country were intimidated, and a regime of terror was instilled to prevent anyone from speaking out.
— Despite this, there was a massive return of refugees to Burundi from 2021 onwards. How can this be explained?
— In fact, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) promoted this massive return. The reduction in humanitarian assistance in the region’s camps influenced these returns. Added to this were administrative and political pressures in the host countries, particularly in Tanzania. Camp closures and reorganisations also occurred. Consequently, several organisations working with refugees are contesting the principle of “safe and dignified voluntary return”. The returns were not linked to a restoration of security in the country, but rather to the reduction in support. The refugees were financially insecure and were not well received due to huge cuts in humanitarian assistance from the UNHCR and many were severely malnourished and did not receive proper medical care.
The Burundian government then used the return of these refugees as a diplomatic communication tool, presenting it as proof of a return to peace after Ndayishimiye came to power. The government also used it to signal to the international community that it was time to lift sanctions and resume international cooperation.
— Do you mean that these returns may have been partly forced by UNHCR by leveraging the material reception conditions ?
— Yes. This large-scale return mainly concerned refugees who were perceived as “low risk”. They returned ans this was linked to the funding cut. However, let’s not forget that there is another category of refugees who are more vulnerable, including political opponents, journalists, and human rights defenders. They cannot return. Many Burundians have remained in exile, particularly in Rwanda and Uganda. Others left again immediately after attempting to return.
— Legislative and municipal elections were held in Burundi in June 2025. What is your perception of these elections?
— It cannot be said that the elections were credible, as only the CNDD-FDD [Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie — Forces de défense de la démocratie, a reactionary and racist party in power in Burundi since 2005, Ed.] was running. At all stages, from the Independent Electoral Commission to the local level, only the CNDD-FDD was represented. They sidelined Agathon Rwasa [the former leader of the CNL, the country’s main opposition party, Ed.], because they were afraid of him. So there were no issues at stake and no electoral competition.
Previously, we saw elections in which the opposition campaigned with limited resources and won small percentages of the vote, which allowed them to participate in some institutions. But now the CNDD-FDD is hegemonic and holds all the seats in the National Assembly. This reflects the total absence of political competition. We have therefore returned to a party-state.
— What is the current state of press and media freedom in Burundi?
Press and media freedom in Burundi is really… Well, there is no real freedom of the press. Even so-called “independent” news outlets are frequently summoned by the National Communication Council. These are forms of administrative pressure that interfere with journalistic work. They are a way of intimidating and dissuading journalists from working transparently and providing balanced information. Media independence is very weak. There is widespread self-censorship, which is a direct consequence of a climate of surveillance and threats incompatible with freedom of expression.
To be continued…
